Upcoming UN vote may be watershed moment for global medical cannabis – if only symbolic
By Alfredo Pascual
투표결과
https://m.blog.naver.com/b2bhjlee/222161385104
UN 위원회, 의료용 대마초의 상징적 승리, 그러나 CBD에 대한 투표는 (THC 허용 범위 문제로) 재논의
Symbolic win for medical cannabis의료용 대마초의 상징적 승리유엔 마약위원회(CND)가 단일조약의 ...
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The Vienna International Center houses the United Nations Office at Vienna.
비엔나 국제센터에는 비엔나 유엔사무소가 있습니다.
의료용 대마초 산업은, 다음 주 유엔 투표에서 이 약물의 의료적 가치를 암시적으로 인정한다면, 수십 년 동안 가장 큰 상징적 승리 중 하나가 될 수 있습니다.
The medical cannabis industry could be in for one of its biggest symbolic wins in decades if a United Nations vote next week implicitly acknowledges the medical value of the drug.
12월 2-4일에 재소집된 63차 세션에서 유엔마약위원회 (CND)는 비엔나에 있는 가상회의에서 간단한 과반수 투표로 대마초를 마약에서 제거하라는 세계보건기구 (WHO) 권고를 수락할 수 있습니다. 즉, 1961년 마약에 대한 단일협약 마약등급 IV로 규정되어 있는 대마초와 대마초 수지를 마약등급에서 제외하라는 WHO권고를 수락하는 투표입니다.
During its reconvened 63rd session Dec. 2-4, the United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) could – with a simple majority vote in a virtual meeting based in Vienna – accept a World Health Organization (WHO) recommendation to remove cannabis and cannabis resin from Schedule IV of the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs.
CND의 이 권고안 채택은 업계에 일련의 긍정적 효과를 촉발할 수 있으며, 전세계 국가 차원에서 의료 합법화 노력을 정당화하고 국가가 이미 확립된 규정을 확대하도록 잠재적으로 포지셔닝할 수 있습니다.
The CND’s adoption of that recommendation could prompt a cascade of positive effects for the industry, justifying medical legalization efforts at national levels around the world and potentially positioning countries to broaden already-established regulations.
A vote is scheduled for Dec. 2, but delays and postponements have been common throughout this process.
투표는 12월 2일로 예정되어 있지만, 이 과정에서 지연과 연기가 흔했습니다.
문제의 제안서 (권장사항 5.1)는 의제에 대한 WHO 대마초 관련 권장사항 6개 중 하나이며 승인가능성이 가장 높은 것으로 간주됩니다.
The proposal in question – Recommendation 5.1 – is among six WHO cannabis-related recommendations on the agenda and believed to be the one with the highest likelihood of approval.
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또한 업계에서 가장 중요한 권장사항이기도 합니다.
It’s also arguably the most significant recommendation for the industry.
6개의 WHO 대마초 권장사항을 평가하는 프로세스는 다음 주에 결론을 내릴 수 있는데, 이는 처음 공개된 지 거의 2년이 지났습니다.
The process of evaluating the six WHO cannabis recommendations could come to a conclusion next week – almost two years after they were first unveiled.
투표는 2020년 3월에 연기되어 CND 회원국들에게 “이러한 권고의 의미와 그 이유를 명확히 할 수 있는 시간을 제공했습니다.”
The vote was postponed in March 2020 to give CND member states time to “clarify the implications and consequences of, as well as the reasoning for, these recommendations.”
6월과 10월 사이에 UN 회원국은 3개의 비공식 비공개 '주제 회의'를 개최한 후 '임시회의'를 통해 이해 관계자가 다른 사람과 함께 경제, 법률, 행정, 사회적 영향에 대한 의견과, WHO 대마초 제안의 수락 또는 거부에 관한 의견을 교환할 수 있도록 했습니다.
Between June and October, U.N.-member states had three informal, closed “topical meetings” followed by an “intersessional meeting” to allow stakeholders to exchange views on the economic, legal, administrative, social implications, among others, of adopting or rejecting the WHO cannabis proposals.
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Recommendation 권고사항 5.1
With the support of European Union and North American nations as well as some countries from Latin America and elsewhere, a simple majority in favor of Recommendation 5.1 seems possible, but a vote postponement can’t be ruled out.
유럽연합, 북미 국가, 라틴아메리카, 기타 국가의 지원을 통해 권장사항 5.1에 찬성하는 단순 과반수가 가능해 보이지만 투표 연기를 배제할 수 없습니다.
권고안의 채택 가능성은 전세계 정책 입안자와 옹호자들의 의료 합법화 노력을 촉진 할 수 있습니다.
The possible adoption of the recommendation could boost medical legalization efforts of policymakers and advocates around the globe.
긍정적 결과는 또한 국가 통제수준을 재평가하려는 노력을 촉진할 수 있는데, 예를 들어 미국정부는 통제물질법의 가장 제한적 범주에서 대마초를 이동했습니다.
A positive outcome could also boost efforts to reevaluate national levels of control – for example, encouraging the United States government to move cannabis from the most restrictive category of its Controlled Substances Act.
이는 필요한 대마초 연구를 촉진할 수 있는 잠재력을 갖고 있으며, 이는 특정 의료용 대마초 치료의 효능을 입증할 수 있으며, 따라서 더 넓은 법적 시장에 대한 문을 열 수 있습니다.
This, in turn, has the potential to boost much needed cannabis research, which could prove the efficacy of certain medical cannabis treatments and, thus, open the door to a broader legal market.
대마초 연구는 현재 가능하지만 1961년 국제조약 마약등급 IV 상태가 억제 역할을 하고 있습니다.
Cannabis research is currently possible, but the drug’s Schedule IV status in the 1961 international treaty acts as a deterrent.
기대해서 안되는 것은 국제통제의 완화입니다.
What should not be expected is loosening of international controls.
1961년 조약의 마약등급 IV에 있는 약물 (대마초 또는 헤로인의 현재 상황)은 이미 등급 I에 있는 약물의 하위 집합이며, 등급 I는 이미 최고 수준의 국제통제를 요구합니다.
Drugs in Schedule IV of the 1961 treaty – the current situation with cannabis or heroin – are a subset of those already in Schedule I, and Schedule I already requires the highest levels of international control.
따라서 승리는 실제적이기 보다 더 상징적일 것입니다.
As such, a victory would be more symbolic than practical.
WHO 권장사항에 따르면 '이 2가지 등급에 모두 포함된 물질은 특히 남용될 수 있으며, 악영향을 미치며, 치료 용도가 거의 또는 전혀 없습니다.'
According to the WHO recommendation, “substances that are included in both these Schedules are particularly liable to abuse and to produce ill-effects and have little or no therapeutic use.”
2019년 1월, WHO가 증거를 평가한 후, 치료적 잠재력'과 '특히 마약등급IV에 있는 다른 물질의 영향과 유사한 부작용을 일으킬 책임이 없음'을 이유로 마약등급 IV에서 대마초를 제거할 것을 CND에게 권장했습니다.”
In January 2019, after the WHO evaluated evidence, the organization recommended that the CND remove cannabis from Schedule IV because of its “therapeutic potential” and the belief it’s not “particularly liable to produce ill-effects similar to the effects of the other substances in Schedule IV.”
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Other recommendations 기타 권고
6개의 WHO 대마초 권장사항의 복잡한 패키지에는 암시적 또는 명시적 조건과 얽혀있는 일부 제안과 채택을 위해 특별한 다수가 필요한 일부 제안도 포함됩니다.
The complex package of six WHO cannabis recommendations also includes some proposals that are intertwined with implicit or explicit conditions, and some that require a special majority for adoption.
기술적 이유로 이러한 권장사항 중 하나 이상에 반대하는 투표는 대마초 반대 투표로 해석되어서는 안됩니다.
A vote against one or more of these recommendations for technical reasons shouldn’t be interpreted as an anti-cannabis vote.
일부 국가는 WHO가 작성한 권고안 채택의 행정적 또는 법적 결과를 평가하고 이것이 의도하지 않은 불확실성을 초래할 수 있다고 결론지을 수 있었습니다.
Some countries could have assessed the administrative or legal consequences of adopting the recommendations as drafted by the WHO and concluded that these could create unintended uncertainties.
예를 들어, 모호하게 작성된 CBD 권고안은 현상유지 변화에 반대하는 국가는 물론 미국과 유럽과 같이 UN 수준에서 변화를 지지해온 국가들에 의해서도 거부되는 것처럼 보입니다.
For instance, the ambiguously drafted CBD recommendation looks as if it will be rejected not only by countries that are against any change in the status quo but also by those that have been supportive of change at the U.N. level, such as the United States and European Union countries.
권고안은 0.2% THC 한도를 설정하여 식물 추출 CBD에서 THC의 미량 문제를 해결하려고 시도하지만 THC 측정 방법을 명확하게 밝히지 않아 혼란을 초래할 수 있습니다.
Although the proposal tries to address the issue of traces of THC in plant-derived CBD by establishing a 0.2% THC limit, it does not clarify how THC should be measured – and that could lead to confusion.
따라서 CBD 권장사항을 거부한다고 해서 약물의 마약 상태에 대한 보증이나 CBD에 대한 반대 입장으로 해석되어서는 안됩니다.
Therefore, the rejection of the CBD recommendation shouldn’t necessarily be interpreted as an endorsement of the narcotic status of the substance nor as a stance against CBD.
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CBD 자체는 국제약물통제협약의 어떤 등급에도 없습니다.
CBD itself is not found in any schedule of any of the international drug-control conventions.
어떤 경우, 국가가 제품 범주가 국제통제 범위를 벗어난다는 것을 설명하는 "각주"를 CBD 제제물에서 THC의 미량 문제를 처리하는 가장 좋은 옵션으로 간주하지 않을 수 있습니다.
In some cases, it could be that countries do not consider a “footnote” clarifying that a category of products is outside the scope of international control to be the best option to deal with the issue of traces of THC in CBD preparations.
미국 입장은 각국이 "THC의 적절한 임계값을 스스로 결정할 수 있어야 한다"입니다.
That’s the stance of the United States, which has said that countries should be able to “decide for themselves what an appropriate threshold (of THC) should be.”
일부 회원국이 제안이 수정된 방식과 관련된 전문성 때문에 CBD 권고사항에 반대하여 WHO에 수정된 버전을 제출하도록 요청하는 것은 놀라운 일이 아닙니다.
It would not be surprising if some member states vote against the CBD recommendation because of technicalities related with how the proposals were redacted, asking the WHO to put forth a revised version.
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유엔, 이번 주 대마초 등급 조정 및 CBD 문제에 투표, 미국의 일부 개혁 지원
United Nations To Vote On Marijuana Rescheduling And CBD Issues This Week, With U.S. Backing Some Reforms
Published 8 hours ago on November 30, 2020
By Kyle Jaeger
A key United Nations (UN) commission will vote on a series of World Health Organization (WHO) recommendations concerning international marijuana reform this week.
주요 UN 위원회는 이번 주 국제마리화나개혁에 관한 일련의 세계보건기구 (WHO) 권장사항에 투표할 예정입니다.
And the U.S. is in favor of the boldest policy change.
그리고 미국은 가장 대담한 정책 변화에 찬성합니다.
UN 마약위원회(CND)는 WHO가 작년에 6개 권고안을 내린 이후로 세계조약에 따라 가장 제한적 글로벌 약물 등급 범주에서 대마초를 제거하는 것을 포함하여 제안에 대한 수많은 회의를 개최했습니다.
UN’s Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) has held numerous meetings on the proposals—including removing cannabis from the most restrictive global drug scheduling category under a global treaty—since WHO made its six recommendations last year.
이제 몇 차례의 지연 끝에 CND는 수요일에 조치를 결정하기 위해 마침내 만날 예정입니다.
Now, after several delays, CND is finally scheduled to meet to decide on the measures on Wednesday.
옹호자들은 일반적으로 개혁에 찬성하는 투표가 대마초의 치료 잠재력에 대한 연구를 촉진할 것이라고 주장하면서 개발에 의해 권장됩니다.
Advocates are generally encouraged by the development, arguing that a vote in favor of the reforms will promote research into the therapeutic potential of cannabis.
그러나 그들 옹호자들은 현재의 국제 등급 IV 상태에서 마리화나를 제거하는 것 만으로는 충분하지 않으며, 많은 회원국이 계속 대마초를 을 범죄화할 것이라고 말하고 있습니다.
However, they say removing marijuana from its current international Schedule IV status does not go far enough and means that many member nations will continue to criminalize the plant.
다음은 WHO의 대마초 권장사항입니다.
Here are each of WHO’s cannabis recommendations:
1. Remove marijuana from Schedule IV of the 1961 Single Convention.
1961년 단일협약 마약등급 IV에서 마리화나를 제거합니다.
2. THC와 dronabinol (합성 THC 약물)을 1961년 1971등급 I에 추가하고 승인되면 1971년 협약 등급II에서 삭제합니다.
Add THC and dronabinol (synthetic THC medication) to Schedule I of the 1961 Convention and, if approved, delete them from Schedule II of the 1971 Convention.
3. 두 번째 권장사항이 채택되면 1961년 협약의 등급 I에 테트라하이드로칸나비 놀을 추가하고 승인되면 1971년 협약 등급 I에서 삭제합니다.
If the second recommendation is adopted, add tetrahydrocannabinol to Schedule I of the 1961 Convention and, if approved, delete it from Schedule I of the 1971 Convention.
4. 1961년 협약 등급 I에서 "대마초 추출물 및 팅크"를 삭제합니다.
Delete “extracts and tinctures of cannabis” from Schedule I of the 1961 Convention.
5. 0.2% 이하의 THC를 함유하는 CBD 제품은 국제 규제 대상이 아님을 명확히 하기 위해 각주를 추가하십시오.
Add footnote to clarify that CBD products containing no more than 0.2 percent THC are not subject to international control.
6. 1961년 협약 별표 III에 “드로나비놀을 함유한 제제”을 추가합니다.
Add “preparations containing dronabinol” to Schedule III of the 1961 Convention.
Last month, the U.S. government said it is backing the WHO recommendation to remove marijuana from the most restrictive global drug scheduling category—though it’s opposing separate cannabis reform proposals, including the one to clarify that CBD is not under international control.
지난달 미국 정부는 CBD가 국제적 통제를 받지 않는다는 것을 명확히 하는 것등 별도의 대마초 개혁 제안을 반대하고 있지만, 가장 제한적 글로벌 등급 관리 범주에서 마리화나를 제거하라는 WHO 권고를 지지한다고 밝혔습니다.
John Walsh, director of drug policy for Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), told Marijuana Moment that this upcoming vote is “momentous,” especially as “this is the first time that the UN scientific bodies has assessed placing cannabis and drug control schedules.”
중남미 워싱턴 사무소 (WOLA)의 마약정책 책임자 John Walsh는 Marijuana Moment에 이번 투표가 “매우 중대한” 일이라고 말했습니다.
‘And it’s extremely significant that the United States is supporting a recommendation to remove cannabis from Schedule IV, which strongly discourages medical uses of cannabis, even if it doesn’t outright prohibit it,” he said.
“미국이 대마초를 완전히 금지하지는 않더라도 의료용 대마초 사용을 강력히 금지하는 등급 IV에서 대마초를 제거하라는 권고를 지지하는 것은 매우 중요합니다”라고 그는 말했습니다.
Of principal concern to advocates is that while marijuana would be removed from Schedule IV under the 1961 Single Convention—the most strict international category—it would maintain its status as a Schedule I controlled substance if the panel accepts the recommendation. (The international scheduling system differs from that of the U.S. in that the country’s most restrictive category is Schedule I.)
옹호자들의 주요 관심사는 1961년 단일협약 (가장 엄격한 국제 범주)에 따라 등급 IV에서 마리화나가 제거되지만 패널이 권고를 수락하면 등급 I 규제 물질로서의 지위를 유지한다는 것입니다.(국제 등급 시스템은 국가에서 가장 제한적 범주가 등급 I이라는 점에서 미국의 등급 시스템과 다릅니다.)
But despite supporting that recommendation, the U.S. circulated a proposed joint statement to other member states that claims consensus on the notion “that cannabis is properly subject to the full scope of international controls of the 1961 Single Convention, due in particular to the high rates of public health problems arising from cannabis use and the global extent of such problems, as identified in the critical review by WHO.”
그러나 그 권고를 지지함에도 불구하고, 미국은 “대마초는 특히 높은 비율로 인해 1961년 단일협약의 국제적 통제 전체 범위의 적용을 받는다는 개념에 대한 합의를 주장하는 공동 성명을 다른 회원국에 회람시켰는데, WHO의 비판적 검토에서 확인된 바와 같이, 대마초 사용으로 인해 발생하는 공중보건 문제와 그러한 문제의 전 세계적 범위의 발생 때문이었습니다”
It also stipulates that “no Party shall be precluded from adopting measures of control more strict or severe than those required as a result of this decision, if such measures in its opinion are necessary or desirable for the protection of the public health or welfare.”
또한 “당사국이 공중보건이나 복지보호를 위해 필요하거나 바람직한 경우, 이 결정의 결과로 요구되는 것보다 더 엄격하거나 엄격한 통제조치를 채택하는 것을 배제할 수 없다”고 규정하고 있습니다.
The language seems to attempt to leave room for countries to continue enforcing more restrictive cannabis policies regardless of international rules.
이 언어는 국가가 국제 규칙에 관계없이 더 제한적 대마초 정책을 계속 시행할 수 있는 여지를 남기려고 하는 것 같습니다.
In an email obtained by Marijuana Moment, a State Department official said that the U.S. “believes, to demonstrate unity, every CND member and observer could ideally join the statement below, regardless of how their government will vote.”
Marijuana Moment가 입수한 이메일에서 미국 국무부 관계자는 "통합을 증명하기 위해 모든 CND 회원과 옵서버가, 그들 정부가 어떻게 투표할지에 관계없이, 아래 성명에 이상적으로 참여할 수 있다고 믿습니다"라고 말했습니다.
They also plan to proceed with filing the statement even if no other member states join them.
그들은 또한 다른 회원국이 참여하지 않더라도 성명서를 제출할 계획입니다.
The statement represents a “disconnect” from the country’s planned vote in favor of removing marijuana from the international body’s most restrictive drug classification, Walsh said.
이 성명은 국제기구의 가장 제한적 약물 분류에서 마리화나를 제거하는 데 찬성하는 국가의 계획된 투표에서 "단절"된 것을 의미한다고 월시는 말했습니다.
“Civil society had called for, and welcomed, this long overdue review process—but many have been critical of some of the recommendations,” drug policy reform advocates said in a media advisory.
마약정책 개혁 옹호자들은 언론 자문에서 “시민사회는 이 오래 기한이 지난 검토 과정을 요구했고 환영했으나, 많은 사람들이 일부 권장사항에 대해 비판적이었습니다.
“While recommendations on medical cannabis and CBD are certainly positive steps, profound concerns have been raised around leaving cannabis in Schedule I of the 1961 Convention.”
"의료용 대마초 및 CBD에 대한 권장사항은 확실히 긍정적 단계이지만, 1961년 협약 등급 I에서 대마초를 떠나는 것에 대한 깊은 우려가 제기되었습니다."
“This recommendation is at odds with The Who Expert Committee on Drug Dependence’s clear finding that cannabis was less harmful than other drugs included in that schedule (heroin and cocaine),” the advisory, prepared by advocacy groups Transform Drug Policy Foundation, Transnational Institute, International Drug Policy Consortium and WOLA,
"이 권고는 마약 의존에 관한 전문가위원회의 명백한 대마초가 해당 등급에 포함된 다른 약물 (헤로인 및 코카인)보다 덜 해롭다는 명백한 발견과 상충됩니다"라고 옹호 단체 Transform Drug Policy Foundation, Transnational Institute, 국제 의약품 정책 컨소시엄과 WOLA는 말했다.
“Regardless of the outcome of the votes on 2 December, this historic review process has demonstrably failed to implement a much-needed modernization of an outdated and malfunctioning system, and to resolve key scientific, political, institutional and human rights challenges related to cannabis and its status in the international drugs control system,” they said.
12월 2일 투표 결과에 관계없이 이 역사적 검토 프로세스는 오래되고 오작동하는 시스템의 현대화를 구현하고 대마초와 관련된 주요 과학적, 정치적, 제도적 및 인권 문제와 국제 마약 통제 시스템에서의 지위를 해결하는 데 실패했다고 그들은 말했습니다
Numerous health and drug policy reform groups have advocated for the more modest changes WHO proposed.
수많은 보건 및 약물정책 개혁 단체가 WHO가 제안한 보다 겸손한 변화를 옹호했습니다.
A coalition of drug policy groups told member nations in a sign-on statement that patients worldwide are “counting on you to seize the opportunity offered by WHO to update the treaties, doing all you can to ensure access to all useful medicines.
Including cannabis medicines.”
마약정책 그룹 연합은, 서명 성명에서 회원국들에게 전세계 환자들이 “WHO가 조약을 업데이트하기 위해 제공하는 기회를 포착하고, 모든 유용한 의약품에 대한 접근을 보장하기 위해 최선을 다할 것을 기대하고 있습니다.
대마초 의약품도 포함됩니다” 라고 말했습니다.
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“Adopting WHO’s recommendations would lead to better medications being developed and more tools for doctors to alleviate suffering while simultaneously reinforcing the UN’s relevance,” they said.
"WHO의 권고를 채택하면 더 나은 약물이 개발되고 의사가 고통을 완화하는 동시에 UN의 관련성을 강화할 수 있는 도구가 더 많이 개발될 것"이라고 그들은 말했습니다.
The Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies also weighed in in favor of the recommendations.
사이키델릭 연구 Multidisciplinary Association도 권장사항에 찬성했습니다.
While the WHO’s CBD recommendation would simply offer clarification that cannabidiol products containing no more than 0.2 percent THC isn’t a controlled substance under international treaties, the U.S. came down against that and several other cannabis-related proposals.
WHO의 CBD 권장사항은 THC가 0.2% 이하인 CBD 제품이 국제조약에 따라 규제 물질이 아니라는 점을 설명하는 데 그치지만 미국은 이에 반대하고 여러 대마초 관련 제안에 반대했습니다.
It should be noted that none of WHO’s recommendations would promote the legalization of cannabis in any country, but advocates nonetheless seem that as a step forward from the status quo.
WHO의 어떤 권고도 어느 국가에서나 대마초 합법화를 장려하지는 않지만 그럼에도 불구하고 옹호자들은 현상 유지에서 한 걸음 더 나아가는 것처럼 보입니다.
“This is super, super meaningful.
"이것은 매우 의미심장합니다.
But I don’t want to overstate it,” Michael Krawitz, a U.S. Air Force veteran and legalization advocate who has spent years working to reform international drug treaties, told Marijuana Moment.
그러나 나는 그것을 과장하고 싶지 않다”고 국제 마약조약을 개혁하기 위해 수년간 노력한 미 공군 베테랑이자 합법화 옹호자 Michael Krawitz는 말했습니다.
“I’ve been cautioning really hard to member states to not fall into this trap that the opposition fell into on [on California’s 1996 medical cannabis initiative] of overstating what this does in an effort to try to stop it—and then vicariously creating expectations in people’s minds that this actually does much more than it does.”
“저는 반대가 [캘리포니아의 1996년 의료용 대마초 이니셔티브에서] 이를 막으려는 노력의 일을 과장한 다음 대리적으로 기대치를 생성하는 이 덫에 빠지지 않도록 회원국들에게 정말 열심히 경고해 왔으며, 사람들 마음 속에는 이것이 실제로 하는 것보다 훨씬 더 많은 일을 합니다.”
But the U.S.’s expected support for the proposal to remove marijuana from Schedule IV represents a departure from its position as articulated in a government document that Marijuana Moment obtained earlier this year. The document stated that it’s “possible that civil society, the media, and the general public will view deleting cannabis from Schedule IV as a first step toward widespread legalization of marijuana use, especially without proper messaging.”
그러나 등급 IV에서 마리화나 제거 제안에 대한 미국의 예상 지원은 마리화나 모멘트가 올 초 입수한 정부 문서에 명시된대로 입장에서 벗어난 것을 나타냅니다.
이 문서는 "시민사회, 언론 및 일반 대중이 특히 적절한 메시지없이 마리화나 사용의 광범위한 합법화를 위한 첫 번째 단계로 등급 IV에서 대마초를 삭제하는 것으로 간주할 가능성이 있습니다"라고 명시했습니다.
Meanwhile, if the recommendation on CBD is adopted, it could potentially have far-reaching implications in the U.S.
한편, CBD에 대한 권고가 채택되면 잠재적으로 미국에 광범위한 영향을 미칠 수 있습니다.
In 2018, the FDA determined that CBD does not meet the criteria for federal control—except for the fact that international treaties to which the U.S. is party could potentially be construed as requiring it.
2018년에 FDA는 CBD가 연방 통제 기준을 충족하지 않는다고 결정했는데, 단, 미국이 당사국인 국제조약은 잠재적으로 이를 요구하는 것으로 해석 될 수 있다는 점은 예외입니다.
The U.S. does intend to back the fourth WHO recommendation on deleting cannabis extracts and tinctures from Schedule I of the 1961 Convention, according to advocates familiar with the delegation’s thinking.
대표단 생각에 익숙한 옹호자들에 따르면, 미국은 1961년 협약 등급 I에서 대마초 추출물과 팅크를 삭제하는 것에 대한 WHO의 네 번째 권고를 뒷받침할 계획입니다.
FDA has on several occasions solicited public input to shape the government’s position on the international scheduling of marijuana and cannabinoids.
FDA는 마리화나와 칸나비노이드의 국제 등급에 대한 정부 입장을 형성하기 위해 여러 차례 대중의 의견을 요청했습니다.
The agency initially requested feedback on the proposal in March 2019 and then reopened that comment period five months later.
대행사는 처음에 2019년 3월 제안에 대한 의견을 요청한 후 5개월 후 해당 의견을 다시 열었습니다.
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A key House committee has scheduled a Wednesday hearing to advance a bill to federally legalize marijuana toward a full floor vote, which could then happen as soon as Thursday. Meanwhile, leaders in the chamber are proposing an amendment that would make several changes to the cannabis legislation.
Among the most significant revisions would be to the tax-related provisions of the bill.
The Rules Committee’s move to take up the Marijuana Opportunity, Reinvestment and Expungement (MORE) Act follows Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-MD) announcement that the chamber would be holding a floor vote on the bill before the end of the year.
Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerrold Nadler (D-NY), the lead sponsor of the bill, transmitted it to Rules with the series of modifications—many of them technical in nature. But beyond the tax changes, the newly proposed language also reaffirms the regulatory authority of certain federal agencies such as the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and clarifies that cannabis can still be included in drug testing programs for federal workers.
Other members of the House are likely to file proposed amendments as well, though the Democratic majority of the Rules panel will determine which ones can be made in order for floor votes later this week.
As originally drafted, the legislation would have imposed a five percent tax on marijuana products, revenue from which would be used in part to fund a grant program to support communities disproportionately impacted by the war on drugs. In Nadler’s amendment, that language is being removed and replaced with text that more closely reflects a separate descheduling bill, the Marijuana Revenue and Regulation Act.
The modified tax provisions of the MORE Act would make it so cannabis would be federally taxed at five percent for the first two years after implementation and then increased by one percent each year until reaching eight percent. After five years, taxes would be applied to marijuana products based on weight rather than price.
At its core, the MORE Act would federally deschedule cannabis from the Controlled Substances Act and expunge the records of those with prior marijuana convictions. The descheduling provisions would be retroactive.
The bill would also create a pathway for resentencing for those incarcerated for marijuana offenses, as well as protect immigrants from being denied citizenship over cannabis and prevent federal agencies from denying public benefits or security clearances due to its use.
A new Cannabis Justice Office under the Justice Department would be responsible for distributing funds providing loans for small cannabis businesses owned and controlled by socially and economically disadvantaged individuals. The bill also seeks to minimize barriers to licensing and employment in the legal industry.
While the bill still calls for the establishment of a Community Reinvestment Grant Program, the new leadership amendment would remove a line calling for it to specifically fund “services to address any collateral consequences that individuals or communities face as a result of the War on Drugs.”
Tax dollars appropriated to that program would instead more generally go to job training, legal aid for criminal and civil cases such as those concerning marijuana-related expungements, literacy programs and youth recreation and mentoring services, among other programs.
The definition of people impacted by the drug war who could be eligible for aid is also being changed to narrow the scope. At first it included those who have “been arrested for or convicted of the sale, possession, use, manufacture, or cultivation of cannabis or a controlled substance,” but now it only extends to marijuana and not other illicit drugs.
Other changes included in Nadler’s latest revision include one requiring FDA and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to hold public meetings on “regulation, safety, manufacturing, product quality, marketing, labeling, and sale of products containing cannabis or cannabis-derived compounds” within one year of the bill’s enactment.
The language is also being updated to reflect the current number of states where marijuana is legal for medical or recreational purposes, clarify that FDA and HHS maintain their authorities to regulate cannabis products and stipulate that federal agencies can continue to include cannabis in employee drug testing. A conforming amendment would clarify that the U.S. Department of Transportation could continue to require drug testing for workers in safety sensitive positions.
The revised version also stipulates that funding can be made available to “connect patients with substance use disorder services” and apply to “individuals who have been arrested for or convicted of the sale, possession, use, manufacture, or cultivation of a controlled substance other than cannabis (except for a conviction involving distribution to a minor).”
The proposal also deletes from the definition of substance misuse treatment language stating that it would be an “evidence-based, professionally directed, deliberate, and planned regimen including evaluation, observation, medical monitoring, harm reduction, and rehabilitative services and interventions such as pharmacotherapy, mental health services, and individual and group counseling, on an inpatient or outpatient basis, to help patients with substance use disorder reach remission and maintain recovery.”
There are also a number of technical and conforming changes in the proposal, as well as the removal of the word “most” from “individuals most adversely impacted by the War on Drugs” when it comes to determining eligibility for the new programs and services created by the legislation.
In a new report on the bill that was submitted by the Democratic majority in Judiciary, members said cannabis enforcement “has been a key driver of mass criminalization in the United States” and the “drug war has produced profoundly unequal outcomes across racial groups, manifested through significant racial disparities throughout the criminal justice system.”
“The higher arrest and incarceration rates for communities of color do not reflect a greater prevalence of drug use, but rather the focus on law enforcement on urban areas, lower income communities, and communities of color,” they wrote.
Further, the “collateral consequences of even an arrest for marijuana possession can be devastating, especially if a felony conviction results.”
“Those arrested can be saddled with a criminal conviction that can make it difficult or impossible to vote, obtain educational loans, get a job, maintain a professional license, secure housing, secure government assistance, or even adopt a child,” the report states. “These exclusions create an often-permanent second-class status for millions of Americans. Like drug war enforcement itself, these consequences fall disproportionately on people of color. For non-citizens, a conviction can trigger deportation, sometimes with almost no possibility of discretionary relief.”
Rep. Jim Jordan (R-OH), GOP ranking member on the panel, wrote the minority opinion in the report.
He argued that the MORE Act “disregards established science” and “would open the floodgates to marijuana cultivation, distribution, and sale within the United States—allowing bad actors and transnational criminal organizations to further exploit America’s addiction crisis.”
The congressman complained that the legislation—which he called “an extreme and unwise measure”—wouldn’t impose limits on THC concentration or ban flavored cannabis products, and he said it “fails to funnel any tax revenue towards a public awareness campaign to discourage teen use of marijuana, modeled on successful anti-tobacco campaigns.”
He also claimed it “does nothing to help the Federal government and scientific community to understand the effects of marijuana usage.”
Vice President-elect Kamala Harris (D-CA) is the lead sponsor of the Senate companion version of the MORE Act.
One provision of the bill requires that any uses of the words “marijuana” or “marihuana” in U.S. Code or regulations be replaced with the term “cannabis”—despite the fact that the legislation has “marijuana” in its own title.
The Congressional Research Service released an analysis of the MORE Act last week, finding that the bill’s passage could “reverse” the current cannabis policy gap that exists between states and the federal government.
That’s because the bill does not require states to stop criminalizing cannabis, and so jurisdictions with prohibition still on the books could continue to punish people over marijuana even as such activity is legalized at the federal level.
Even if the legislation does pass in the Democratic-controlled chamber, as it’s expected to with some bipartisan support, it remains unlikely that the Senate will follow suit. Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) is a champion of the hemp industry but staunchly opposes further marijuana reform.
That said, a symbolic vote for legalization could send a strong signal to the incoming Biden administration.
Given Biden’s former approach to championing punitive anti-drug legislation as a senator and his ongoing obstinance on marijuana legalization at a time when polls show that a clear majority of Americans favor the policy change, there remains some skepticism about his willingness to make good on his campaign promises to achieve more modest reforms he has endorsed, such as decriminalizing possession and expunging records.
A transition document the incoming Biden-Harris administration released this month left out mention of those cannabis pledges.
That said, the president-elect has conceded that his work on punitive anti-drug legislation during his time in Congress was a “mistake.”
For his part, Rep. Earl Blumenauer (D-OR) told Marijuana Moment in August that “the Biden administration and a Biden Department of Justice would be a constructive player” in advancing legalization.
Marijuana Moment is made possible with support from readers. If you rely on our cannabis advocacy journalism to stay informed, please consider a monthly Patreon pledge.
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